Haiti's MSS Mission: A miscalculated gamble now seeking U.N. lifeline

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has ruled out an immediate transition of the MSS into a UN peacekeeping operation.
The Kenyan-led Multinational Security Support (MSS) Mission in Haiti, once hailed as a pragmatic alternative to a full-fledged UN peacekeeping force, is now at a crossroads.
UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has ruled out an immediate transition of the MSS into a UN peacekeeping operation.
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Instead, he is proposing the creation of a U.N. support office, funded through the UN peacekeeping budget, to provide logistical and operational assistance to the struggling force.
This development signals a quiet admission of what was evident from the outset: the mission, orchestrated primarily by Washington, was deployed without sufficient financial backing, equipment, or a long-term strategy.
What was initially framed as a nimble, non-UN force capable of enforcing order has, in practice, been underfunded, undermanned, and increasingly unsustainable.
The MSS, authorised by the UN Security Council but not directly run by the organisation, was envisioned as a solution to Haiti's deepening crisis without the baggage of past UN peacekeeping failures.
Structural weaknesses
However, Guterres' recent report to the Security Council highlights the structural weaknesses of the mission: inadequate intelligence capabilities, insufficient personnel, and limited resources to secure critical infrastructure such as seaports, airports, and oil terminals.
Guterres acknowledged these shortcomings, stating, "The MSS is slowly assuming the shape of a real multinational effort to support Haiti. We must all stand behind it as an immediate and credible effort to help Haiti's national police beat back armed gangs, prevent their territorial expansion, and protect the people of Haiti."
The mission, which began deployment in June 2023, has so far mustered only 1,000 personnel, well below the planned 2,500.
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Troops from the Bahamas, Belize, El Salvador, Guatemala, Jamaica, and Kenya—the latter being the lead contributor—are operating in a volatile environment with no guarantee of sustained funding.
Financial issue
The financing issue has been a chronic problem.
Guterres noted that the MSS trust fund currently holds $110.8 million in voluntary contributions from donors such as Canada, France, Germany, Italy, South Korea, Singapore, Spain, Turkey, and the United States.
However, nearly half of this remains unallocated, and the mission needs far more resources to be effective.
The gap between ambition and reality is widening.
Even Haiti's embattled transitional government, initially hesitant about another U.N.-backed mission, is now more receptive to the idea—simply because the current setup is proving unworkable.
A case of strategic shortsightedness
From the outset, the United States and Ecuador, which co-led the push for the MSS in the Security Council, presented it as an alternative to a traditional U.N. peacekeeping mission—one that would be less bureaucratic, more nimble, and avoid the reputational damage associated with previous U.N. operations in Haiti.
Yet, as the mission struggles to function, the idea of transitioning it into a fully-fledged U.N. peacekeeping force is quietly gaining traction.
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The opposition from China and Russia, who have consistently questioned the viability of any peacekeeping force in Haiti, remains an obstacle.
Their argument—that a peacekeeping mission is pointless when there is no actual peace to keep—was dismissed at the start but is now proving prescient.
Guterres acknowledged these concerns in his report, noting, "Such a transition could be considered, once significant progress has been made in substantially reducing gang territorial control."
However, that moment remains elusive, as the MSS continues to face operational and financial challenges.
Kenya's gamble, Washington's caution
Kenya's decision to spearhead the mission at the request of Washington has come at a cost.
The Kenyan police force, unfamiliar with Haiti's complex gang warfare, has already lost one officer in the field.
The mission's conceptual flaws are now laid bare: a police-led operation tasked with peace enforcement in a failed state with entrenched gang violence, yet lacking the robust military structure to carry out such a task.
Despite its authorisation under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter, which allows for the use of force, the MSS lacks the resources of a well-equipped counterinsurgency operation.
The reliance on a patchwork of voluntary contributions rather than a structured funding mechanism means the mission is constantly at risk of financial uncertainty.
In an attempt to salvage the situation, Guterres has proposed the establishment of a U.N. support office for the MSS, which would provide logistical and operational support funded through the U.N.
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