Gaza civilian death toll outpaces other modern wars

Civilians never deserve to be harmed through carelessness, inadvertence or deliberate targeting
Neta Crawford, University of Oxford
More To Read
- Israel says Hamas spokesman killed in Gaza airstrike
- Was the ‘double tap’ attack on Gaza’s Nasser hospital a war crime? Here’s what the laws of war say
- Israel’s killing of journalists follows a pattern of silencing Palestinian media that stretches back to 1967
- Local journalists and fixers are dying at unprecedented rates in Gaza, can anyone protect them?
- US bars Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, 80 officials from attending UN meeting in New York
- Killing of journalists in Gaza hospital attack ‘should shock the world’: UN rights office
Hamas killed about 1,200 people in Israel, mostly unarmed civilians, in its surprise attack on southern Israel on October 7, 2023. Using Gaza health ministry statistics, the UN says more than 62,000 people have subsequently been killed in Gaza since Israel launched its military campaign against Hamas. An additional 1,000 Palestinians have been killed in the West Bank.
The statistics do not distinguish between combatants and civilians. But Israeli government officials have consistently said their military works hard to keep civilian harm to a minimum. As Ophir Falk, a foreign policy adviser to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, said in 2024: “Any civilian casualty is a tragedy for sure. Israel seeks to minimise the civilian casualties, while Hamas seeks to maximise them.”
Falk added: “We seek to minimise them for two main reasons … one, it’s the right thing to do. We’re the only Jewish country on Earth, and that is our policy to minimise civilian casualties. And the other reason is because it’s effective.” By effective, he means that hurting civilians can backfire. It can lead to a loss of domestic and international support for the war, as well as increased Palestinian resistance.
Israeli media outlets have also detailed the “extensive measures” the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) says it takes to keep civilians in Gaza safe. And they have repeated claims such as: “What the IDF has been doing in Gaza in this war is unprecedented in urban warfare, both in pace and caution.”
Israeli officials dispute the number of Palestinian civilians reported to have been killed in Gaza. Some have even claimed that the Gaza health ministry and the UN have “lied” about the number of Palestinian civilians killed in the war.
But figures from a classified Israeli military intelligence database, reported recently by the Guardian, indicate that 83 per cent of the Palestinians killed by Israeli forces in Gaza as of May have been civilians.
Preventing civilian harm
The protection of civilians in war has not always been taken for granted. The US only began to emphasise the minimisation of inadvertent harm to civilians, or “collateral damage”, after the Vietnam War ended in 1975.
The inadvertent killing of civilians and massacres such as My Lai, where as many as 500 unarmed Vietnamese villagers were killed by US soldiers in 1968, were widely condemned. Precautions to avoid civilian harm, known as civilian casualty or civilian harm mitigation, have been gradually integrated into US military operations since then.
The US developed a practice of making pre-strike estimates of possible civilian harm – collateral damage estimates – in the 1990s. This was refined during the post-9/11 wars.
If civilian harm is estimated to be above a certain threshold and disproportionate to the expected military advantage of an operation, the US military might change how it engages or not strike at all. US methods to minimise civilian casualties have been consistently updated, as recently as August 2022 and July 2024.
These precautions have not always been adhered to. They have also sometimes been relaxed when the US believes doing so is justified. But when they have been followed, the rate of civilian killing has been reduced.

A sculpture commemorating the 1968 My Lai massacre in Vietnam.
Investigations have shown that Israel loosened its rules of engagement after the October 7 attacks. The New York Times reported that an order by military leadership authorised officers to risk killing up to 20 people in each airstrike targeting Hamas. In one extreme example from July 2024, a strike on Hamas military leader Mohammed Deif killed at least 90 civilians and injured around 300 more.
Israel’s own military data also now shows that Israeli officials have both overstated the number of militants they say have been killed and, by implication, the ratio of civilian to militant deaths.
Prior to the Guardian’s report, Israeli officials said the military had killed 17,000 to 18,000 Hamas combatants and other “terrorists”. They also implied that 50 per cent of the total deaths in Gaza were Hamas or other combatants. Netanyahu simultaneously decried what he called “outrageous” claims of civilian casualty rates of up to 70 per cent.
But Israel’s own numbers show the actual civilian casualty rate in Gaza is much higher than the figure Netanyahu calls outrageous. It is also high compared to other conflicts. Research by the Costs of War project, which I co-founded, shows that the rate of civilian casualties in American wars in Iraq and Afghanistan was 68 per cent and 26 per cent, respectively.

The Conversation
Neta Crawford, Montague Burton Chair in International Relations, University of Oxford
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Top Stories Today